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Showing posts with label Guelph Municipal Politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Guelph Municipal Politics. Show all posts

Monday, April 29, 2019

Karen Farbridge, Part Two

I'm continuing my conversation with our previous Mayor, Karen Farbridge in this post. Whereas in the last one she talked mostly about what the job is like and how society has changed from her first time in office, in this part we talked about housing.

Former Mayor, Karen Farbridge.
Photo from a U. of G. website, cropped by Bill Hulet. 
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Hulet: I'd like to change the focus a bit, to talk about what I believe is a housing crisis in Guelph. I know that I'm tremendously unpopular with people when I say this, but it seems to me that we simply aren't building enough housing in this town. So I'm a big fan of just putting in the damn towers and build a lot of apartments to get some capacity out there. What do you think of that?

Farbridge: First off, I think that having the conversation at the municipal level is the wrong place to have it. During the elections everyone gets on the affordable housing band wagon, and says we are going to bring in more affordable housing---and they have zero policy or fiscal levers to move at a municipal level. What are you going to do? Increase property taxes, including people who are on the edge of being able to live in their own homes? Do you want to increase their taxes and make it unaffordable for them to keep their home? Push them out of their house?

You're unpopular with your point of view. I'm unpopular when I get candidates coming to me for some advice about how we can respond to the affordable housing issue. "What should I be saying?" My response is that you shouldn't be responding at all---because there's nothing you can do. 

[Karen offers a despairing chuckle.]

And you're just misleading people, and you're just continuing to let people think that there's something a municipality can do. 

Now there's little things that they can do---it's not like there's nothing---you can subsidize fees for Habitat for Humanity. I'm not dissing Habitat for Humanity, but they're not going to solve the problem, right? They do good work and help a few families---that's great---but they're not going to solve the affordable housing problem. 

To me the affordable housing problem is tied to income inequality. 

Hulet: That's certainly something I identified in my research. The top 30% is doing just fine, thank you. But the bottom 30% is in real trouble. And the bottom half has seen any income increase massively out-paced by the increase in housing costs.

Farbridge: The supply will be there, it's people can't afford it. It's an income issue, because of the widening gap. Even in my work with Meridian---all of these new rules that are coming in, tightening up the mortgage rules---right?---based on what happened in the U.S.. People are critical about these rules because they are making housing less affordable. But the mortgages weren't affordable before---they didn't have the incomes to support them. The rules are just acknowledging that the homes aren't affordable---which is a result of the income gap. 

So for me, the lever is "how do you address the income gap?" Not unemployment---the income gap, and, inequality.

Hulet:  I got this idea from a Parliamentary research paper on housing affordability where they mentioned the concept of "filtering" and housing supply. The idea is that if you have an adequate supply of housing, a certain amount of buildings will become priced less and less. I'm thinking of the sort of places I lived in as a student---which were run down houses and apartment buildings. If you don't have enough supply, filtering ceases, and the pool that already exists shrinks due to gentrification.

Farbridge: Trickle down housing? 

Hulet: Yeah.

[Karen laughs.]

I tend to quote from that article somewhat out of desperation. If the Feds and the provinces won't do anything, then that leaves it up to the municipalities---or nothing will get done.

Farbridge: Unfortunately the city doesn't have the legislative or financial tools to be able to do a lot. 

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I think it might be useful at this point to expand some of the points that Karen and I were discussing here so the reader doesn't get confused.

The first point to remember is that the phrase "affordable housing" can mean very different---but intimately related---things: social housing (ie: housing subsidized by the county) for people with significant economic disabilities and privately-owned, non-subsidized housing for the lower-income working class. These two groups tend to overlap somewhat, because there is always a certain number of people who are either working poor who temporarily have to access social service, and, others who use social services who manage to get work that draws them up into the ranks of the working poor.

I am pretty sure that Karen is mostly referring to "social housing" in her remarks about the need for federal and provincial funding being needed. It certainly is the case that it cannot be build exclusively through the use of locally-raised money. As she points out, above a very modest level it just becomes an exercise in "robbing Peter to pay Paul". But having said that, I also have the statement by Liz Sandals to the effect that there needs to be some local money put into social housing simply because federal and provincial money is almost invariably tied to the city putting in some of its own.
Money arrives for "X" number of new units. The county says to the city "How much money do you have to put up for your share?" And the city hums and haws and says "We don't have any money. Cause we don't have a housing reserve. We're not in the housing business anymore. Why would we have a housing reserve?" They actually used to have a housing reserve and got rid of it when it got uploaded to the county. But the county says "But we have a housing reserve and we'll put it into the county.
So what we have here is a classic political disagreement between Sandals and Farbridge. Sandals seems to believe that there is some room to raise a little tax money to put into a social housing fund, but Farbridge is arguing that there isn't and I suspect at the back of her mind is the political cost that anyone would have to pay in order do so. Since both politicians were part of governments that fell victim to populist "tax fighters", it might be that Karen is right. But I would at least like to point out that whenever a politician tells you that he wants to "keep a lid on property taxes" while at the same time saying that he is committed to fighting homelessness that there are times that the two commitments are at odds with one another. 

What I'm talking about, in contrast, is "affordable housing" as being rental housing that lower income people, in general, can afford to rent. And that, I believe, is related to the issue of supply and demand with reference to the total stock of housing in a city. The idea is that if a city doesn't allow developers to build enough housing for everyone, intense competition will develop for the existing stock---which will drive up the prices to the point where lower incomes people not longer can afford housing. Another side effect is that what new construction is being built will tend to be aimed at the higher income market---simply because the returns are higher on it. (Think about it. In a world where everyone was clamoring for a watch, but where the government only allowed fifty watches built in a year, which ones would a business sell: Rolex? Or Timex?)

This isn't to say that any developer will build very inexpensive new construction. Instead, as economists explain it, there will cease to be competition by renters driving up prices and encouraging gentrification; and instead competition between landlords will drive rents down and encourage owners to defer upgrades on older, existing housing stock. This last process is called "filtering", and is the direct opposite of gentrification. It isn't a difficult concept to understand, but it rarely gets discussed in conversations about housing affordability. It's easy to understand why.

I can remember being invited to a provincial focus group about the Places To Grow Act where the intensification goals for the downtown were being discussed. I was the lone voice raising concerns about housing affordability and I used the example of the old downtown Diplomat Hotel. By all accounts it was a dreadful place to live. But it was affordable for very low income people. Now it has been totally renovated and all the people who used to live there have been dispossessed. I can understand that no one on city Council wants to stand up and defend decrepit, old, nasty, apartment buildings. But the fact of the matter is that those places are part of a continuum that allows low income people a place to live. And that continuum goes through the sorts of crummy houses, apartments, and, rooming houses that I lived in when I was a student and poorly paid janitor. Middle class people might turn their noses up at such places, but if we don't provide for their existence---and won't pony up the money to pay for social housing projects---where are the poor supposed to live?

Karen said "The supply will be there, it's people can't afford it". I'm not so sure about that. The Places to Grow Act and the city plan has put a cap on suburban sprawl---as it should for environmental and cost-of-servicing reasons. This means that the only way for the city is to grow "up"---to use her language. But there is a lot of push-back by the citizenry on that. Every time a developer seeks to build a tower or large apartment complex a mob shows up at Council to complain bitterly about things like parking, shade, build design, etc. Some of this is legitimate. (I can certainly see that on street parking has dramatically changed in my neighbourhood because of condo owners who were too cheap to buy enough parking spaces for their---often extremely expensive---vehicles.) But the "macro" effect on the housing stock is that all this "citizen engagement" dramatically slows down the rate at which developers build new housing, which means that no market pressure gets built up to push down rents and encourage filtering.

As an experienced politician, Karen has to think about what the electorate will allow her to do---not what the optimal policy would be. Voter turnout is relatively low in municipal elections, and the people who do vote tend to be disproportionately older people who already own their own homes and who are fixated on preserving their property value and making sure that their neighbourhood never changes. This means that it's likely that they will badly punish any Councilor or Mayor who was publicly associated with developers building large towers in order to preserve crummy old "welfare hotels" and rooming houses. So it's very easy for an armchair philosopher like me to suggest all sorts of theoretical solutions to public policy. (I've tried many times and only shown that I couldn't get elected dog catcher.) When you add in the political element it's easy to come to the conclusion that there really isn't anything that people on the local level can do to build more affordable housing. 

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I put a lot of effort into researching and writing these articles. For example, I started work on this series of articles in December. It's real work and just as tiring as any other job I've had. I hope that they help readers get a better understanding of the long-term issues facing the city. If you'd like to help me with this, why not subscribe on Patreon? Even as little as a dollar a month is helpful. (I'm now getting about 1500 "hits" a month. If all those people gave me a dollar, I'd be rich!) If you don't want to make a commitment, you can put something in the Tip Jar. If you are afraid of using money on the Internet, you can just mail "Bill Hulet" a cheque to "124-A Surrey Street East, Guelph, N1H 3P9". 

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Hulet: So there's very little you can do other than allow developers to run wild---which would cause lots of problems too. It just seems to me that we are a city now and we're going to have to accept a certain number of apartment buildings---and big ones at that. Try squeezing that past an electorate!

Farbridge: We've had some success. I don't know if you remember---it was during the 90's---there was quite a struggle, you were either pro-growth or you were against growth. The problem was that we weren't talking about "how". There was "Smart Guelph" and then after Kate's term [Kate Quarrie, 2003-2006] there was a lot of engagement around our growth strategy, and we had an interactive tool where we could see that if we didn't grow "up" [ie: taller buildings versus suburban sprawl] we'd see how much land would get taken up [ie: paved over]. Then people saw how many natural areas and how much farmland was being consumed by sprawl, so we were able to get a good community consensus about building "up", and that's what you've seen in the downtown, right?

But we're back at needing to do that. The Clair/Maltby development, it's pitted "for" and "against"---there's more than just Clair/Maltby---but there hasn't been this re-engagement of people to look at what the data tells you about how we're growing and to build that consensus again. So we're getting this opposition to growing "up" again.

Hulet: What do you think about Clair/Maltby? It seems that the city wants to intensify there, but I hear people talking about preserving water, and parks---but I'm wondering if it's just a back-handed way of being opposed to intensification.

Farbridge: The problem is the intensification they're doing---the community form is basically a suburban form---squeezed. As opposed to being a true urban form. A suburban form that is high density as opposed to an urban form that is high density.

Hulet: So it's not forming a downtown?

Farbridge: Yeah. It should be forming a downtown. It almost should be a village onto itself. That's what they're not doing; it's an expansion of the suburban model. That's one of the things going on. 

The other thing is that it's turned into a planning application. They're not doing policy planning and I had the sense that---you know I don't follow this closely, I just sort of watch from the distance, people talk to me about it, and I can connect the dots---my sense was that it sounds like they were going through a planning application as opposed to doing policy planning. That's when the planning applications come later---to respond to the policy. Right? 

Hulet: So is this a question of the old culture reasserting itself?

Farbridge: No, I think this is a question of administrative leadership---it's the individuals more than anything. I don't think it's a Council-driven thing. I don't think it's political---I think the governance is absent, so they're able to do this.

So I asked a Councillor about this, and I said "We had articulated a vision for the secondary plan---it was to be an urban village---that's not what you're proposing for this." The response back was "But that's not what the developers are planning to build". 

[Karen laughs.]

It's not about what the developers are planning to build---it's about what the policy that we are going to approve, and then they respond to that policy. And this Councillor had completely bought it---that we have to develop the policy to support what the developers want to build. We've seen subdivision plans for the areas that they own---and it's what they want to build.

So it's backward. 

Hulet: This is the traditional culture of developers proposing and Council disposing.

Farbridge: Yeah. We created a plan for the downtown and we've had some incredible developers step into the space to deliver on our vision. Right?

Hopefully with the Guelph Innovation District they've got a good secondary plan there, we'll be seeing developers like Windmill. There's more those emerging---their still a minority---but they will step into the space and deliver once they know what the rules are. 

But given their druthers---and particularly some of them in town like [name deleted]. ---Whoops! This is on the record, right?---some of the developers who have not made the switch to urban development would prefer to build in the suburban model because that's their business plan. Their whole supply chain serves that. Whereas Fusion---which I can say---

Hulet: The people at the old Woods site?

Farbridge: Yeah. They still do home building, started off as [single, detached houses] home builders---but they had to switch up their business model to do that. 

Hulet: I thought they got pushed by the local community---.

Farbridge: No, the did a great job on engagement, but they were also responding to the secondary plan. The secondary plan said that's what we want there.

There were some secondary things that the community engagement helped with---such as access and bridges and things like that. But the main elements were from the secondary plan. That's an example of a developer who stepped up and delivered the vision of the secondary plan. 

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This is the front of the Fusion Homes site on Arthur St, (the old Woods site.)
Photo by Bill Hulet

Here's a shot of the same property from the rear, facing the Speed River.
The old stone building at the end of the lane is the Spring Mill Distillery.
Photo by Bill Hulet
Hulet: So Council has to show the leadership and the business community will show up?

Farbridge: Yup. Not all of them.

[Karen laughs.]

Some of them with bitch and complain to the end of days. But there will always be the clever businessman that recognizes an opportunity and switches up their business model to deliver. 

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I think this post is already a bit longer than some people like to read---and this is a good place to stop---so I'll leave off here. Farbridge still has some interesting things to say, but I'll leave that for the next post. 

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Furthermore, I say to you---climate change must be dealt with!

Wednesday, April 17, 2019

People in the Know: Karen Farbridge, Part One

I find that the most interesting interviews seem to happen after someone has walked away from their careers rather than when they are in the middle of them.  I think that this is because when you are actually in office you are constrained by it to always think about how your words could affect your ability to function there. It's only when you've finally walked away from it that you have both the time to think clearly and objectively about what you've done, and, the freedom to say what you really think about things. To that end, I was happy to do an in-depth interview with Guelph's past mayor, Karen Farbridge.

I think it's important to mention in passing that Karen and I go way, way back. I first met her in 1978 and she is probably my oldest friend in the Royal City. But I hope that that doesn't mean that I can't do a fact-based, objective interview with her. Ultimately, that's for the readers to judge, though.

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Karen Farbridge, our 40th and 42nd Mayor in Guelph.
Original image from U. of Guelph website, used under
Fair Use provision, cropped by Bill Hulet
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Bill Hulet: I heard that there was a talk you gave in London shortly after you lost the 2014 election to Cam Guthrie. Could you tell me something about that?

Karen Farbridge: There is a woman [Ashley Good] who has a business---I think it's called "Fail Forward"---she does work with---I think Doctors Without Border, but it might be Engineers Without Borders---one of those. In addition to their standard annual report, they also do an annual "Failure Report" where they highlight the year's projects that didn't work and why. The point of her work is help institutions and individuals have conversations about failure without triggering a bunch of negativity. Or criticism. And how to do this without making people feel threatened.

She was brought in to facilitate a conversation at the 2015 Federation of Canadian Municipalities meeting about what I'd learned from what I hadn't been able to achieve as Mayor of Guelph.  

Bill Hulet: In business people often talk about the need to experiment, push the envelope, "break things", stuff like that. But in governance you aren't really supposed to take any risks at all.

Karen Farbridge: The problem with politics is that there's always somebody who will want to take advantage of somebody and sort of flog it. One example would be the SUBBOR [SUper Blue BOx Recycling] project. Remember that?

Bill Hulet: That was the idea that you grind up everything and ferment it and burn the gas to make electricity?

Karen Farbridge: Yeah. 

So the city had an opportunity and we took it. We provided some space for them to test their facility. And when they were not successful, and they were not able to demonstrate the effectiveness of their process---all of a sudden it became the city's failure. 

Right?

And it got caught up in the lawsuits and stuff like that. So they sued us. It turned out that that was pretty much how they made their money---through lawsuits. So it became somehow that the city had failed.

But we had taken a risk on an opportunity. At the end of the day we were whole. We didn't invest any of our own dollars into it. We didn't pay them to process our waste. It didn't work---but I'm sure we learned some things along the way. 

But we never were able to go back and learn from it---people just wanted to move on and forget about it.

Our administration did a really good job in the agreement of protecting the city, and we were left harm free. But it's an example of even when it wasn't a failure in any sort of measured way, it was used to be a negative story. And yet we'd taken advantage of an opportunity to see if it could have worked for the city. 

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The Saga of Eastern Power


SUBBOR is an interesting study all in it's own. It turns out that it was a project run by two brothers---Greg and Hubert Vogt---who are the owners of "Eastern Power Limited". And as Karen mentioned, this company has a history with governments and lawsuits---.

The earliest reference to Eastern Power Limited's legal issues is a throwaway reference in a story about Guelph's SUBBOR troubles in the magazine Solid Waste and Recycling:
(Interestingly, Eastern Power sued Italy’s largest municipal utility for $162 million in damages in the late 1990s over what Eastern called a breach of contract related to a deal to supply a plant to generate power from sewage in Rome. The Italian utility won and Eastern Power was ordered to pay $44,000 in costs.)
Unfortunately, I wasn't able to find any other reference to this lawsuit or the project in general.

In addition, Eastern Power has built two facilities that recover methane gas from landfills which were used to create electricity. The first one was at Brock West in Pickering which was installed in 1991. A second facility was installed at the Keele Valley landfill in Maple in 1995. (This was the largest landfill in Canada and the third largest in North America when it was in use.) Both of these facilities seem to have functioned according to specifications.

The Brock West methane collection facility in Pickering.  Image from the Keneidan Construction website,
used under the Fair Use Copyright provision.

In 1998 Guelph signed a contract with Eastern Power Limited to provide a space plus a source of garbage so they could display their SUBBOR technology.  The federal government had already ponied up $7 million to fund the project, and, the company had a proven track record because of their success running the Brock West and Keele Valley methane collection plants---the second and third largest landfills in North America. The idea was that the Vogt brothers had three years to show that their technology worked and at a price that would save Guelph money over the existing Wet/Dry system. Unfortunately they were unable to do so in the time allotted and the city decided to sever the connection. At this point Eastern Power sued the city of Guelph for the sum of $32 million because of "breach of contract". Eventually the Ontario Superior Court ruled in Guelph's favour on all points and awarded Guelph $4.5 million in court costs.   

Where the saga of Eastern Power really hits "over-drive" is the next project it took on. As part of the Ontario Liberal government's program to phase out coal-powered electricity generation, it was decided that the province needed to build "Peaker power plants" that would be able to harmonize electricity production and demand on days when sustainable electricity production (ie:  wind, solar, hydro-electricity, etc) couldn't keep up to demand.

Eastern Power had a background in producing electricity from methane gas collected from landfills, so it could be argued that they had some expertise in natural gas electricity plant technology. But on the other hand, they weren't experienced at building peaker plants---so some eyebrows were raised when the Liberals awarded them a contract to build two plants in the Mississauga area in 2005 instead of the experienced Albertan company TransCanada Energy (yeah, these are the same people behind the Keystone Pipeline.) These two plants were to be called "Greenfield North" and "Greenfield South". The Northern project was soon scrapped because Eastern Power couldn't find investors willing to loan them enough money to build the project. (Remember this last sentence---it will be important later!)

An election was called, and the two proposed generation stations were immensely unpopular with voters in Mississauga, so the Liberals cancelled their contracts. (They also cancelled a similar generating station in Oakville, but the contract for that plant had been awarded to Trans Canada Energy, so it isn't relevant to this story.) When Ontario Power Authority lawyers started the process of working out a settlement with Eastern Power they found that because the company didn't have any experience building peaker plants, they had found it extremely hard to find the money they needed to build the project. The only investor they could find, EIG Management Company, asked them to put in some extremely cautious controls over the way they used the money. In 2011 EIG agreed to loan Eastern Power $260 million, but only under what an ordinary person would consider quite onerous terms.

According to a Globe and Mail article published on the 7th of November in 2012,
Eastern could only withdraw money monthly and only for approved construction expenditures. In return, Eastern had to pay 14-per-cent interest on borrowed funds and pledge control of the company and virtually all of its assets as collateral.
Because of these tight controls, by the time their peaker plant was cancelled, Eastern Power had actually received only $61 million dollars. But when this happened, EIG sued the Ontario Government for $300 million in damages---and eventually received $149 million (eg: $61 plus $88 million) in an out-of-court settlement.

To understand what happened, I'll have to explain something called a "yield maintenance" amount. Basically, this is the idea that when someone loans another person some money at a specific rate of interest over a specified length of time, they expect to not only get their money back but also with a predicted amount of interest. When the peaker deal "went South" because of politics, the investors expected to get some compensation for the interest they expected to receive when they loaned Easter Power all that money. This isn't an outrageous idea, but the amount seemed out of proportion to the money actually lent. Again, to quote from the Globe and Mail article,
That provision shocked Rocco Sebastiano, a lawyer at Osler Hoskin & Harcourt LLP retained by the Ontario Power Authority, a provincial agency in charge of the negotiations. "I fell off my chair when I saw the yield maintenance amount being claimed by EIG," Mr. Sebastiano said in an e-mail dated Nov. 24 to officials at the Power Authority. "This sounds like a usury charge to me frankly."
The reporters said they couldn't find anything in the documents they looked at to explain either why EIG thought that they were entitled to such an enormous amount of money for lost interest on its loan to Eastern Power, or, why the Ontario Power Authority ended up paying $88 million. The authors of the Globe article had their own conclusions:
The controversy over the cancelled power plant serves as a cautionary tale for governments as they increasingly shift services from bureaucrats to the private sector. The risks associated with these projects are supposed to be borne by the private sector. But when deals unravel, it is taxpayers who are left on the hook.
The story of Eastern Power doesn't end with big cash payouts, though. As part of its settlement with Ontario Power Authority, it requested a contract to build a peaker plant somewhere else. This meant that they were contracted to build the "Green Electron" facility near Sarnia. The plant was finished in April of 2017, but during it's construction there were numerous complaints by people working on the facility about unsafe working conditions. And when it was finally finished, there doesn't really seem to be much need for it. According to Toronto Star article on the 25th of January in 2018, the plant was only needed for 33 days in the previous year.

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I've gone on something of a tangent here talking about SUBBOR, but it's important to remember why it is that I'm producing this news blog. As I see it, at least part of the point of news is to inform the worldview of the readership. And this means that sometimes it's useful to go off on wild tangents when one story leads to another. It's easy to fall prey to the idea that things can be easily explained by concise narratives. But life's not really like that. Pull on a string and you never really know what the result is going to be. And how we view the world around us can often be dramatically changed by the unexpected results of seemingly random inquiries.

What I find interesting in looking at the SUBBOR story is something that I've found in other stories I've researched:  the really pernicious and deceitful way business tries and often does take advantage of both government and the ordinary citizenry. This has made me a lot more skeptical about government/business partnerships. Anyway, if you like the "deep digs" that I do on local Guelph stories---no matter where I end up with them---please consider subscribing through Patreon or making a one time purchase through the Tip Jar. Even as little as $1/month is appreciated. 


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Digital manipulation of images by GIMP


Hulet: Is part of the reason why politicians get blamed for taking risks because the media likes to do "gotcha" stories and reporters don't have time to do any meaningful research?

Farbridge: I think that's more of it. I was looking through paper clippings from all through the 90's about the various things we did. 

The paper then---because they had more resources, more reporters, who had more time. They were a huge contributor to helping see projects move forward---like the Wet/Dry, water conservation and efficiency.

We didn't have social media at that time. So I wonder what it would have been like trying to do those projects with social media. But the papers played this really important role of being a place where there was good reporting on the facts, there was good presenting of debates---criticisms but also the positives. There was a balance of that in the community conversation. 

But then when you get into the mid 2,000s with the rise of social media the paper's stories just continued to decline. At that point they only had time to go after the "gotchas"---at a very superficial level. And that would feed the social media stuff, and all of a sudden the negative stories had this platform and there was nothing counter-balance them. 

Put a positive story on FaceBook and it goes nowhere. Put a negative story on and it's shared---people put little crying icons, stuff like that. It's hysterical. There's lots of research on it---I've tested it myself. 

Hulet: And then there're examples like "Ontario Proud" that are specifically feeding that. If you have the analytics in front of you, can can tell what works and what doesn't.

Farbridge:  That's one of the reasons why I think it's gotten worse. Rob Fords and Doug Fords have always been on our councils---but there's always been a whole lot of other voices to put what they said into a context or perspective. Now it seems that those voices are amplified in a system that is driven digitally through social media and those analytics. Those voices are getting amplified out of proportion to what the larger population might believe. 

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Hulet: What have you learned about the difference between governing a city, and, being a politician and getting elected---so you have the opportunity to govern the city. I've always thought that these were two things that are very different, and are sort of at loggerheads with one another.

Farbridge: Yeah. No they are totally different. I'm much more comfortable in the governing role. I don't like the election role. I never did. How I managed that was to put together a good team who were able to work in that world and have them lead it. And where I haven't done well was when I haven't had that team. 

My second observation is it used to be that campaigns used to be six or eight weeks. Maybe a little bit of runway coming up. But not much because that would always be in the summer time. So things really just hit in September and October, you had the elections. They were over and you got to governing. 

Now the elections go everyday, the entire year, every year of the term. They just go constantly. It's not just at a municiipal level, it's at the federal level and the provincial level. The campaign is going all the time. 

Hulet: So you felt even in the middle of a term you had to be very careful about what you said, or, think about the election?

Farbridge: It's about time. There's only so much time. 

A woman who's doing her Master's---. I met her about a year ago now---. She asked the question "How do mayors in Canada express their influence and power?" We don't have a "weak mayor" system---that's a wrong use of the term. (That's where the mayor only has one vote on Council---as you know.) 

Anyway, this woman interviewed mayors across the country, and she defined things into three areas. And how she said it made a lot of sense to me. 

One is sort of bucket is executive execution, another bucket is community, and, the other bucket was politics. Her thesis is that with the resources that mayors are given in Canada that they can only operate in one effectively. Maybe a little bit in one of the others. And it depends on the context of the municipality. 

So, for example, John Tory [Mayor of Toronto] has to spend a lot of time in the political bucket because he has forty odd councilors. So he has to know who he has "lined up" on his votes before going into a Council meeting. 

Nenshi [Naheed Nenshi, Mayor of Calgary] is completely in the community bucket and has an abysmal political record in Council in terms of getting his stuff supported---because he spends his time connecting people with his lost cats over social media.

Hulet: So he's what they call "a retail politician"?

Farbridge: Yes

So when I reflected on that for my own various terms---.

My first term---because it was such a split Council---I spent a lot of time on the political side of it. A lot of time engaging Councilors. Making sure they had what they needed, making sure they were comfortable with the vote---to ensure we could move forward with decisions. 

In my second term as mayor I was able to put a lot of time and effort into execution---more fundamental governance stuff. So once Council had made a decision I put my focus on making sure Council's decision got implemented. Cause there's "no connect" between Council making policy and those policies actually getting implemented, right?  Unless you put attention to it. 

I was able to put a lot of time into the execution and I had a CAO [the Chief Administrative Officer---the person who runs the city and manages all the non-elected staff] at the time---Hans Loewig---who was very much into getting things done. So we were a great balance in terms of getting the Council's direction, and giving him the mandate, and getting things done. 

And then the third term. I should have switched to community, but I didn't. I stayed in execution and was up against an opponent who lives entirely in community: not very good politically, hasn't had a good political record, and doesn't govern. And so I lost for lots of reasons---but that was one of the contributing things. And I felt that pressure---and I was absolutely doing more in that space. But there's only so much time in the day. 

Campaigning takes a lot of time and energy. You know. Going to every event and tweeting it out and putting it on FaceBook, taking a picture wherever you go. If you watched Frank Valeriote and Lloyd Longfield now---Liz Sandals [past Guelph MPP] never did this---they are never present. They are never in the moment governing. They are running their election. 

[Karen breaks out laughing.]

They are constantly on their phones tweeting and just doing the social media stuff. So it's all about the attention span and band width. You can't be running an election and governing at the same time---and do them both well. 

Hulet: That's certainly what Mike Schreiner is doing. He's like the Ever-Ready Bunny---he's everywhere.

Farbridge: And I think that social media has raised this level of expectation---that somehow this is the job of the elected official. But they're actually supposed to do a job, and elected to govern, and sure there are community pieces to that, but the demands today on a Mayor to go to events compared to in the 2,000s---there is a night-and-day difference. And it's been exponential, its not about the growth of the city, it's about people have this expectation of accessibility that social media provides. 

So if you're not being seen to be doing it, somehow you're not doing your job. 

And Liz never got onto social media, she got criticised for not doing it. But she really made a decision---I don't know if she did it consciously or unconsciously---but she kept elections to elections, and once she was elected, she governed. 

She went to a lot of community events. But even there---I admired her---she wouldn't go to every event, every year. Take for example some fundraiser that happens every year, she'd go every other year. This set the precedent that she would not be at everything every year, every time. But the pressure was absolutely the other way. 

Hulet: It's not just politicians. I'm on five different social media accounts---flogging the blog, flogging the books. And the sad thing is that all this effort actually works. It's just part of being a writer now.

Farbridge: And artists, and musicians---same kind of thing. Right?

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I think that this is a good place to pause for now. I'll do some more work and get the next part out ASAP.

Furthermore, I say to you---climate change must be dealt with!


Wednesday, March 20, 2019

District Energy: Politics

And Now We Start to Talk Politics


I hope readers' heads are swimming from my discussion about the economics of district energy. That was the point. Sometimes I hear people talk about business as if it is simply a question of research and mathematical analysis. To hear them talk, all you have to do is develop a sound business plan and if the numbers work out, you borrow the money, and, make your millions. Well, it ain't that simple. Many business folks won't admit it, but a great deal of what you need to be successful in business is luck. That's because even if you are the greatest financial genius who ever lived, there are always going to be a great many things that you simply don't know enough about to make a "fool-proof investment". That's why I put in an editorial talking about "wicked problems" because if ever there was one, this is it.

As a general case I find that it's more useful to look at political conflict from the point of view of policy and general trends instead of personality, which I find may make for a more "juicy" story, but not one that helps people get a handle on a complex issue. But having said that, I realize that politics is also important. So it's time to put on my rubber Wellies, get out the manure fork, and get to that nasty job that took up so much time in my childhood.

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So what exactly am I doing with this blog? For one thing, I'm trying to fill a void that currently exists in local news. Secondly, I'm trying to create something of a "public record" that students, researchers, and, concerned citizens can use to learn about local issues. Based on feedback I get, I know that for at least some Guelph citizens I'm already filling that goal. I'm also trying to convince people to totally rethink their relationship to the news media in general. That's what this blue type part is about. I'm trying to convince people that they should be prepared to pay for the news they consume and stop relying on giant Internet companies to provide it for free. Mainly that's because it really isn't, there's always a hidden agenda of one sort or another when it comes to something that's "free". I'm also having some success on that score---people are subscribing through Patreon and contributing through the tip jar. But to really make the point I need to have more subscribers so other people can have a chance of following Adam Donaldson and myself, and try to make a living by creating truly independent news sources. If you can afford it, why not sign up as a regular subscriber? Patreon allows very small regular payments, and the important thing is to get a lot of people making small payments rather than a small number of people making bigger ones (although that would be appreciated too!)

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I've been working through back issues of Gerry Barker's Guelph Speaks, Adam Donaldson's Guelph Politico, and, using the Internet Archive's "Wayback Machine" to look at Cam Guthrie's election blog and as near as I can tell, the district energy systems were not an issue during the 2014 election. The big thing that people were hammering away at instead was the legal problems associated with the company that build the new city hall: Urbacon. It appears that district energy only became an issue after the new mayor had taken over from Karen Farbridge.

The first indication I can find that Guthrie was interested in district energy comes from an item on the Mayor's blog dated October 8, 2015 where he says that in the past ten months 
I think we’ve made some wonderful inroads in developing a new culture throughout city hall, and around the community for that matter, which is focused on the betterment of the city on the whole.
he also wrote later on
If we as a city are stating these goals publicly, and the C.E.I. [Community Energy Initiative---ie, the over-arching framework that the district energy systems fit into] policy, framework and current governance and oversight structure are setup to help direct us to achieve those goals, then perhaps we should make sure they’re realistic and that we’re actually making a positive difference.
This is why very soon the community will see on an upcoming council agenda a request from me for staff to explore the best way to present a progress report on the C.E.I and to explore the best governance and oversight structure for implementing it.
These two quotes are filled with wonderfully ambiguous, emotive terms---like "a new culture" "focused on the betterment of the city on the whole", "realistic", and, "actually making a positive difference". It's hard to understand exactly what they mean other than being the bland "positive speak" blather that we expect from politicians and sales people. (It's the nature of the beast nowadays, so I don't really blame anyone who talks like this---even though in doing so they really don't convey much information.)

After looking through a lot of electioneering I did find one particular instance where I thought I actually saw some real emotional commitment from the mayor that I think is particularly relevant to this discussion. In Mr. Guthrie's campaign website (accessible through the Wayback Machine) I caught the following post on April 2, 2014. I think it's a rare look into what an elected official really feels, so I'm going to post it in it's entirety.

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Taxpayer or Citizen? 

There’s been quite a discussion going on in Guelph around the concept of whether those who live in the city are “taxpayers” or “citizens.” 
The discussion seems to have been started by Guelph Mercury columnist Susan Ratcliffe. It was continued in a Guelph Politico blog entry by Andy Donaldson. And recently culminated in panel discussion moderated by Mike Schreiner, leader of the Green Party of Ontario and included political advisor Ralph Benmurgui, CFRU’s Beyond the Ballot Box radio host Jan Hall and Guelph Citizen blogger Andy Best. All of these discussions have led to two conclusions. 

First: Citizens = good 

This is best seen in Ratcliffe’s column, where she wrote: “Taxpayers are focused only on the monetary cost of government actions to an individual. Broader-minded ‘citizens’ care about social benefits and community values. Taxpayers ask about the benefits to themselves. Citizens ask about the benefits to community building and well-being.” 

Second: Taxpayers = bad 

“I find the word ‘taxpayer’ deeply offensive,” the Guelph Mercury quoted Benmergui as saying. “Everyone has adopted this notion of corporate service. Taxpayers want the service they want and they don’t want to pay for services they don’t personally need. The notion of the common good has deteriorated. I’m worried there may be a crisis of citizenship.” 
As Donaldson wrote: “This vision narrows the complexities of governing on any level to utterly simplistic terms: taxes are fees for service, and we should pay the absolute minimum to get the services we want and just the services we want. That means garbage collection, hydro and water services, police, emergency responders, and clean and easy to navigate roads. Public transit, the arts, cultural events, environmental initiatives, and sustainable planning are luxuries, investments desired by the leftie elites who want to use the blood, sweat and tears of the ‘Taxpayer’ as seed money.” 
Mayor Karen Farbridge emphasized this concept during a question and answer period following one of her state of the city addresses. When asked why residents should pay increased taxes for downtown redevelopment when the return on investment could take at least a decade, Farbridge replied: “You’ve got to prime the pump”. 
The duality between “taxpayer” and “citizen” is ingenuous. The arguments are being made to frame the political discourse in one particular direction. If a politician wants to focus on the needs of the taxpayer, it means they have only one goal in mind: to cut taxes, reduce services and destroy the fabric of the community. If a politician speaks about citizens, it means, no matter the cost, they are concerned about the better good and that they feel they have the best interests of the residents in mind. 

There is no difference. We are both taxpayers AND citizens.

Whether we pay taxes directly through property taxes, income taxes or payroll taxes, or indirectly through user fees such as transit fares, recreational centre charges or development charges, we are taxpayers. And we benefit from those taxes. 
So, is it too much to ask those administrating the hard-earned dollars provided by taxpayers, to be good stewards of that money? We ask the same thing of the various non-profit organizations to which we contribute, so why can’t we ask the same thing of our municipalities? 
People also contribute to their community as volunteers, parents, voters, individuals, homeowners and employees. Everything we do contributes to the fabric of our community without any expectation of return. 
Are we “taxpayers?” Yes. 
Are we “citizens?” Yes 
We are all “citizen-taxpayers” or “taxpayer-citizens,” whichever you prefer. And there are probably a host of people living in the City of Guelph who define themselves the same way. 
It’s time to stop reviling “taxpayers” and celebrating “citizens.” It’s time to recognize and honor “citizen-taxpayers.” 
Thank you, 
Cam Guthrie

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I suppose the best statement of the citizenship ideal that Mr. Guthrie is taking issue with comes from the inauguration of President John F. Kennedy.



The idea is that living in society comes with just as many---if not more---responsibilities than rights. This is also an idea that the holocaust survivor and psychiatrist Viktor Frankl raised in his book Man's Search for MeaningThe thesis of that work is the idea that people are only really happy when they are able to believe in some purpose greater than themselves. He found that the only people who had a chance to survive in the NAZI concentration camps were those that had such commitments, whereas those who just lived for themselves simply withered and died under the harsh conditions. Based on this idea, he suggested that the United States should put up a statue of "Responsibility" to balance out the statue of Liberty. (Indeed there have been serious efforts to fund raise for and build such a thing.)

Artist's rendering of proposed San Diego 
"Statue of Responsibility", image from San Diego City Beat.
Image used under the "Fair Use" copyright provision.

The idea of calling voters "tax payers" instead hearkens to the idea that people live their own personal lives and that great, civic projects are just "moonshine" that wastes their hard-earned cash. That reminds me of my interview with Liz Sandals. In it I was asked what she thought was motivating the  Doug Ford government and Conservatism in general. She answered that she thinks that it comes down to a very simple prescription "the two things that I think he does believe, really strongly believes in, are "taxes are bad" and "government is bad"".

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This hearkens back to one of the ideas that I harped on in the editorial about wicked problems. People come to them with different agendas, even if they say that they are all in favour of same goal. I tossed out the idea that we should think about the term "preventing climate change" as another way of saying "preventing the human race from committing suicide". By doing so, I'm "upping the ante" when it comes to discussing the issue. Lots of people don't really think of it in terms of an existential crisis, but rather as "something nice if it doesn't lead to tax increases". This difference in emphasis isn't just a minor disagreement, but rather a totally different worldview that fuels completely different agendas. 

Totally by coincidence (this blog is not meant to be topical), this issue has recently become a big deal because Councilor James Gordon and Leanne Piper are calling for Guelph to follow Kingston and Hamilton's lead in Guelph declaring a climate change "emergency". Mayor Guthrie seems to opposed to this idea and was quoted in The Mercury website as saying 

“Declaring an emergency is not something to take lightly, and there are implications to doing so,” and,
“I am a person of action, not platitudes of words, and my fear that these types of discussions
get us away from actions and it’s more about just optics.”
Guelph's Mayor, Cam Guthrie. Photo from official City Website

I'm not about to make any definitive statement about where Mr. Guthrie fits on the "taxes are bad" Conservative scale. He does seem to be genuinely concerned about people with drug addictions and the homeless---among other things. I can also remember that the first time I met him he was involved in some sort of environmental project (sorry Cam, it was long time ago and I simply cannot remember what it involved.) He certainly seems like a nice guy. But he has "hitched his wagon" to the "taxes are bad" crowd, and even with the best of intentions, he's going to have to at least pay lip service to their worldview. And no matter how much he might protest, it is clear to me (ever looked at Guelph Speaks?) that a large percentage of those people have zero interest in the JFK motto of "ask not what your country can do for you, but rather what you can do for your country."

Having said all of that, this knife cuts both ways. People can say that they are in favour of preventing climate change and really mean "if it doesn't mean that we raise taxes". But other politicians can say exactly the same thing and mean "Goddam it, we've got to stop the human race from committing suicide!!!!!" But the fact of the matter is that because of the real and perceived attitudes of voters, both types of politicians can easily find themselves "biting their tongues" and offering bland platitudes about "baby steps". I suspect that that's part of the reason why emotions have risen both when people tried to make a distinction between "citizens" and "tax payers", and, when Councilors asked if the city should declare a climate change an "emergency". In both cases people are being asked to be "punk and plain" about what they really think in a system that often punishes them badly for doing so.

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If we keep the above issue in mind, I think what happened to the District Energy hubs makes perfect sense. They were designed not to be immediately cost-effective projects, but rather something like the "nose of the camel in the tent". 

Public domain image from "Windtoons.com", 

For those who haven't heard it, there is a teaching story about a Bedouin who allowed a camel to shove his nose in his tent only find out that once the nose was in, the rest of the beast inevitably follows. In the same way, if Guelph got used to the idea that energy for heating and air conditioning was just another commodity for the city to pipe under the roads, it would inevitably become just an accepted part of infrastructure---like water and sewage. And this would be one of those things that a Conservative hates: an increase in government size and a reason for taxes to go up.

In contrast, for anyone who has the hidden agenda of not wanting the human race to commit suicide there is a lot in favour of a district energy system. That's because the key part isn't the efficiencies that come from having one centralized source of hot and chilled water, but rather the distribution system that connects a bunch of different buildings to one centralized source. Right now the two hubs run off natural gas, but the  real hope of the people behind the system was that this could eventually be replaced by more sustainable fuel sources such as waste heat from industrial processes, geothermal or thermal-solar.

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Once this last point is understood, then it becomes easier to understand how another aspect of wicked problems comes into play. The point wasn't to come up with a system of heating and cooling buildings that would immediately pay for itself, but rather to be the first part of a new system that was going to be the first part of a revolution in how Guelph uses energy. If you looked at the systems from that perspective there really wasn't much wrong with them.

I've been told that the city hired outside consultants to do an analysis of the district energy hubs and I've found a staff document that was presented to Council on July 18th, 2016. It was prepared because Council wanted to make public a document that related to various items that they'd seen before in in camera (private) meetings.

“That the presentation and report on the financial history of the GMHI
[Guelph Municipal Holdings Incorporated---the city-owned company set
up to manage things like the district energy plants. WDH]
group of companies be referred to the June 13, 2016 Council meeting” 
“That the closed minutes and accompanying material of November 23,
2015 with respect to District Energy Strategic Long Term Financial Plan,
with the necessary redactions, be made public in conjunction with the
materials for June 13, 2016 Council.” 
“That the closed minutes and accompanying material of February 29,
2016 with respect to Decision Chronology: District Energy, be made public
with the necessary redactions in conjunction with the material for June
13, 2016 Council.”
The consultant is not directly mentioned, but on page three document makes reference to "Deloitte", so I think I can safely assume that it leans on work prepared by "Deloitte Touche Tohmatsu Limited", which is a multinational technology consulting firm based in London, England.

Briefly stated, the staff report says that Deloitte's analysis suggested that the energy hubs are too small to make a big enough profit to pay off the money spent setting them up. Having said that, they are working relatively well and making enough money to pay for their on-going maintenance. In addition, the operating profit that they are making isn't enough to pay for any attempt to expand their client base. In addition, the city is "locked into" contracts with existing customers which means that there would be financial penalties for shutting down the plants. As a result, Council decided to stop looking for new customers, write off incurred capital costs as a "bad debt", and, keep the physical plants working.

What the bland "bureaucrat-speak" in this document seems to miss---according to conversations I've had with various people---is that the city never planned for these limited systems to pay for themselves in the short-term.  That's why the private sector is loathe to start these things up, even though they are willing to get involved once government has "proved the concept"---like with Enwave in downtown Toronto. They were supposed to be the first stage of a long-term city investment in a much larger system. It's the nature of district energy systems that you make a long-term commitment to build a "game changing" system for long-term development. To their point of view, the Mayor didn't direct staff to look at the system and they found out that it wasn't working. Instead, the Mayor directed staff and convinced Council to sabotage the system by starving it of secondary investment by not working to get new customers and invest in the system so it could adapt to their needs. District energy is always a question of big initial investment and long term pay off---which is why it generally won't work unless it is built the same way that governments build any other infrastructure system.

In effect, the nose of the camel got cut off before the rest of the beast could make it into the tent. "Stop climate change---if there are no new taxes" won out over "stop climate change before we commit suicide!!!!!" It's just another example of a group of people trying to get society to invest in a system that might have done something impressive to cut down on carbon emissions, and which got sabotaged and destroyed by people with a totally different agenda. Another bunch of victims got into political trouble because of a wicked problem.

Or did they?

That's the thing about wicked problems, I don't really have an opinion about this thing. It might very well be that our current mayor is right and these things would never have worked as intended. One thing I won't do, however, is fault the previous mayor and Council for trying to do something big to help the city do it's bit to stop climate change. When confronted by a wicked problem the last thing a society should do is just "kick the can down the road" and ignore it. They should be willing to take risks and make experiments to see what does and doesn't work. It might very well be that some future administration on Carden Street will do some more number crunching and restart the whole district energy initiative. It might also be that some private company will step in and buy them so they can do it. It might be that new technology will make the whole thing a total anachronism. But at the time reasonable people thought district energy was a good idea and they took a chance on it. It's the easiest thing in the world to kick wicked problems down the road, but if you do that long enough it turns out the "easiest path" leads to the worst results.

Where I might be tempted to point a finger---and remember I wrote "might be tempted", not "I blame them for"---is that there wasn't enough work done building a social consensus around exactly what the long-term plan for the district energy really was. If people thought that the district energy system was going to immediately make a profit and that that was going to be high enough to fund all future expansion, then it would have been a shock to find out that these were really demonstration projects for something that would require much more ambitious long-term investment. But again, it's very hard to sell the public on something like this when there are really powerful interests in society who are bound and determined to soft-peddle the sort of crisis our civilization is really facing. The tendency is always going to be for politicians of good will to try to "schmooze" the right thing into place because they believe that they will lose all power to do good if the body politic finds out what they really want to do. It's perfectly all right for me to thunder away about the importance of dealing with climate change, but I've never been able to get a job that didn't involve heavy, unskilled manual labour---let alone win elected office. You can't do anything at all if you don't get elected---and that has to involve sucking up to the often idiotic worldview of voting citizens. (Ever wonder why politicians are the way they are? Take a look at voters---.)

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I'll leave off with the most intelligent statement I've heard about climate change in a long time. They It comes from a remarkable 16 year old Swedish girl named Greta Thunberg who is now experiencing her "15 minutes of fame". This an edited address that she gave to the World Economic Forum at Davos in Switzerland.



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Furthermore, I say to you---climate change must be dealt with!


Wednesday, March 13, 2019

Guelph's Community Energy Initiative: District Energy

In my previous article about the Community Energy Initiative I outlined the basic economic case for the project on strictly theoretical grounds. Now I'm going to discuss one particular type of project, the district energy plant.

"District energy" is a fairly simple idea, it's that it is more efficient to build a big heating and cooling system for several buildings than it is to install small units in each separate one. It manifests this efficiency in two ways. First, there is just the basic principle of taking advantage of what economists call "economies of scale".  This doesn't just involve saving money---large, centralized facilities can also afford to install better pollution abatement equipment. Secondly, in a large facility there is the opportunity to use the waste heat from specific industrial processes to do other things instead of simply letting it dissipate into the surrounding environment.

District Energy System, Graphic from City of Guelph District Energy Strategic Plan

As far as I know, Guelph has four district energy systems. One has been at the University since the 1960s.

The Recently-Installed Cool Water Storage Tank for the University
District Energy System. Image used under "Fair Use Provision",
From a University Promotional Website


In addition, Polycon (a division of Magna) in Guelph installed a 7 megawatt physical plant in 2015.

Polycon's Combined Electricity and Heat Plant at 65 Independence Place, Guelph
Image used under "Fair Use Provision" of Copyright Act
Photo from the Ellis Don website


These two images raise an important point that readers should understand. There is a certain "fluidity" to district energy projects in that they can take many different forms, follow very different business models, and, do very different things. In the Polycon example, the plant is a "Behind the Meter" electricity generator. This means that it doesn't sell any of the electricity it produces to Ontario's Independent Electrical System Operator (IESO). (This is the crown corporation that manages the electricity spot market in Ontario.) "Waste" heat left over from generating electricity is then used in the Polycon plant. The university system, in contrast, primarily provides both winter heating and summer air conditioning on campus. The tank in the above picture is part of a giant "heat sink" that allows the university to use the difference in temperatures from day to day and day to night, to save energy in it's chilled water air conditioning plant.

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A second element of a District Energy project involves ownership. The Polycon and University examples are very simple to understand. They are both very big institutions who own their facilities outright and use them exclusively to service their own buildings. In contrast, the Corporation of Guelph owns two systems that are supposed to provide heating and cooling to a wide variety of individual customers who choose to enter into long-term contracts with the city.

One of them is downtown and is situated in the downtown arena (the "Sleeman Centre".) It provides heat and cooling for the arena, the auditorium across Woolwich (the "River Run Centre"), and, the condo tower (the "River Mill" building) built by the Tricar Group.

Here's a promotional map from Tricar that shows where the location of customers
for the downtown district energy system. Image from Tricar, "Fair Use" provision.

A second facility exists in the Hanlon Creek Business Park. It's customers are an office building owned by "M F Property Management" and a warehouse for Wurth Canada. Originally it provided electricity which was sold onto the grid through the Independent Electrical System Operator (IESO), but once the city decided to walk away from district energy, the plant was downgraded to one that just provides heat to its two customers.

The original Hanlon Creek Business Park district energy system---including electricity generation.
Image from the Ellis Don website, used under the "fair use" provision of the Copyright law.


The Current Halon Creek Business Park district energy hub. Doesn't look all that different to me---.
Photo by Bill Hulet with help from Dr. Tim Allman. 

The Hanlon Creek Business Park with the two customers and the district
energy plant locations. Original Guelph promotional map with labels added
by Bill Hulet.

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As I mentioned in my previous article on the Community Energy Initiative, one of the key "products" that a municipal government offers to the community is planning and co-ordination. Traditionally this involved providing things like the police, the fire department, roads, potable water, sewage treatment, planning, etc. By doing so, it allows home owners and business people the opportunity to focus on their own particular activities without having to worry about finding a way to get all of these essential supports. And, because the city government provides them for everyone, it means that we get the advantages of scale, uniform standards, and, predictability that make all the difference between organization and chaos. Seen from this point of view, providing heating and cooling as a municipal service can be seen as simply the same sort of thing as piping in drinking water and piping out sewage. Some large institutions---like Polycon and the University---are so big that already can have economies of scale. This means that they don't have to have an outside organizing body (ie:  the city) co-ordinating the provision of heating and cooling. In contrast, "small potatoes" like Tricar, Wurth Canada, and, M. F. Property Management aren't big enough to warrant creating their own system.

This is why the city---under the auspices of the Community Energy Initiative---decided to build the two district energy systems: one downtown and the other in the Hanlon Creek Business Park. There are two obvious questions raised by this, however: "Why did the city do this instead of getting a private business to do it?", and, "Why haven't they been as successful as promised?"

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Enwave steam plant and smoke stack viewed
from Pearl and Simcoe Street, Toronto.
Photo by Saud, c/o Wiki Commons
The first thing to understand is that district energy systems need to be understood on a case-by-case basis because each situation is very different. To give one example, the "Enwave" district heating and cooling system in downtown Toronto takes advantage of the cold water deep in Lake Ontario to provide chilled water during hot summer days. This creates tremendous efficiences when compared to conventional air conditioning systems. It also helps that the downtown is going through a building boom which means that there are a lot of new buildings that have not already invested in heating and cooling infrastructure---which makes signing up for a district energy system a lot more attractive.

Having said the above, there are a few general things about district energy systems that can be said. They do tend to be more efficient than each individual building having it's own heating and air conditioning systems. But they are rather capital intensive, and the rates of returns aren't so high that they can quickly pay off investments. Consider the following figures that come from a paper by Hans-Holger Rogner in a 1993 Paper in Energy Studies Review. What these numbers compare are the figures just for heating (not air conditioning---like Enwave's system, or, dual electricity generation and heat---like Polycon.) Also, the percentage is a comparison between the heat created by burning natural gas versus the heat available to be used by the customer.

  • Average new gas-fueled individual building furnace technology: 61.4%
  • Best available gas-fueled individual building furnace technology: 65.9%
  • District heating based on centralized boilers: 71.3%
  • Combined Heat and Electricity using natural gas turbines with heat recovery for district heat: 87.5%

Looking the above, you can see that there is only a 8% improvement in efficiency (ie: [71.3 - 65.9] / 65.9) when you switch from the best available individual furnace technology  to a centralized boiler (like at the university and downtown systems.)  If I do the same calculation with combined heat and electricity (like at Polycon and the original Hanlon Creek Industrial Park site), the efficiency is a much more respectable 33%.

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I admit that I can be quite pushy about trying to get people to support the "Guelph-Back-Grounder". It is important to understand, however, how much of a disadvantage this news source labours under. Unlike the vast majority of blogs, it is devoted to local news. And that makes a huge difference! If I were writing on subjects of international or even national interest I would have a pool of potential subscribers that would number in the millions. That means that even if I were able to get a tiny fraction of one percent of them as subscribers I'd have a very successful publication. But because I've decided to report local news, I'm limited to a maximum total of about 100,000 subscribers. This means that for local indie news to be a viable business model people are going to have to accept that it will require a higher percentage of paid subscribers and cost more per person than a national or international source. 

If you want local news that isn't just click bait people are going to have to pay for it. So how about ponying up as little as a buck a month for the "Back-Grounder"? It's easy to do on Patreon. You can also toss money in the Tip Jar if you don't want to make a long term commitment. 

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Please remember that the above numbers refer only to comparative energy efficiency for heating alone. When we are talking about this sort of thing we also have to take into account two other very important issues:  the cost of energy, and, the cost of borrowing money. As near as I can tell, Guelph started to become serious about developing district energy in 2011, so it would be useful to look at changes in both natural gas prices and the cost of borrowing money since then.

First, here's an average yearly natural gas price from Union Gas as quoted by the Ontario Energy Board.
  • 2011:  13.3 cents per cubic metre
  • 2012:  9.4 cents
  • 2013: 10.9 cents
  • 2014: 19.4 cents
  • 2015: 13.1 cents
  • 2016: 9.8 cents
  • 2017: 17.6 cents
  • 2018: 15 cents
  • 2019: 18 cents
Looking at these numbers, you can see that the price of natural gas has gone from a low of 9.4 cents per cubic metre to 19.4 cents: a change of 106%! What this tells me is that the "noise" from fluctuating gas prices (106%) can hide the savings from district energy (8 to 33%). (Please note that I wrote "hide" not "make irrelevant"---the energy price is going to go up even if you don't invest in district energy.)

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As I mentioned before, district energy systems are very capital intensive. The two systems that Guelph installed cost about $14 million, which isn't a huge price when you consider that if they ran at full capacity they would probably be able to replace more than that in the price of installed physical plant in customer's buildings. (I'm told that combined heating and air conditioning plants in a large condo tower can cost about $1 million.)

But there is a complexity to large human habitations in that it is possible for developers to push the costs of heating and cooling onto the final occupants in a building. For example, it was very common at one time for builders to simply install electric baseboard heaters with separate electrical hook-ups in apartments, which meant that each renter could be charged independently for heating through their electricity bills. I understand that even when more cost-effective systems are used (for example using combination air conditioning and air source heat pumps, or, through radiators attached to a water heater), some condominiums have separate systems installed per unit. In a city where there is a tremendous shortage of housing, like Guelph, where prices have increased by 200 to 300% since 2001, there is precious little incentive for developers to compete with each other on the basis of saving condo buyers or renters money either in initial investment in their own power plants or in long-term operating costs. 

Another complexity comes from realizing that there is more than one place that a capital investment can increase energy efficiency. The figures from Rogner's paper refer to efficiency of physical plant, but there are also important efficiencies that can come from the end use. For example, there are significant savings that can come from things like insulation and tightening up leaks in the building envelope. If you are only working with an 8% increase in efficiency from a District Energy system, then perhaps a better "bang for the buck" would involve increasing the amount of insulation and quality of windows installed in an apartment or condominium tower.

Just to make the evaluation of district energy even more complicated, recent prime interest rates have been at historic lows---averaging between 3% and 3.95%. It's important to understand that this is the lowest that the prime rate has been at since before the Second World War. This means that while it is true that district energy systems are very capital intensive, we are living at a time when capital costs are the lowest they've been in generations. If it only costs 4% to borrow money that will result in an 8% cost saving, it sounds pretty good. But it's important to understand that while efficiency and the cost of borrowing money need to be connected when planning investments in energy efficiency, they are fundamentally a question of "apples and oranges". If the 8% savings in energy amounts of $20 because of the low cost of natural gas, and you have to invest $10 million to save it because the technology is so capital intensive---well, 4% equals $400,000 so you do the math. ;-) On the other hand, if the 8% savings come to $10,000 a year and you only have to invest $20,000 to save that much, then the 4% interest comes to only $800/year---which means that it's a great deal. These are just hypothetical numbers, but I include them to point out the importance of remembering that the calculus involved in setting up a district energy system is really complex and involves numbers that fluctuate for unpredictable reasons---which is why I suspect most private business owners have been loathe to invest in starting them from scratch. 

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And don't forget the fact that district energy systems involve two things that fall directly under municipal governance: planning and utilities. City planning departments decide whether or not a specific project can be built in a specific place. District energy projects work best with new builds simply because if you are building a tower from the ground up you can save money if you don't have to build an expensive heating and cooling system. In contrast, if you already have an existing building, you've already spent the money to provide heat and air conditioning yourself. If you are a private business that is trying to make a profit off district energy, you have to know that the city is committed to letting developers build the sort of buildings that will sign on as customers.

Secondly, the pipes that connect your heating and cooling facility to new customers are going to be put under the roads. And the process of putting them there is going to be really disruptive to traffic and really expensive. (One of the reasons that Fusion Homes---the condos at the old W. C. Woods site---said that they didn't sign up for the downtown system was the extreme cost of running pipes past the Speed River.) Since the city owns the roads, they are both the experts on doing this sort of thing and the final arbitrar about what does and does not get done.
The diversity of factors determining the economics is further augmented by the fact that the distribution infrastructure of district energy systems is inherently capital intensive with payback periods resembling those in the utility sector. Consequently, utilities are best suited to own and operate district energy systems. (from Rogner's 1993 paper
And don't forget the issues that I raised in my first article on this subject. Any increase in the efficiency of any physical plant in the city of Guelph is going to raise the productivity of the city, which will free up money to either be harvested as profits to be reinvested or as wages to circulate through local economy. In addition, a dollar saved through efficiency is a dollar that will not leak out to the company that is providing fossil fuels from out of province or even out of country.

And if all this isn't enough to make your head spin, don't forget that increases in efficiency also have a value in a world where it's government policy to put a price on carbon. Under a cap-and-trade system increased carbon efficiencies can be sold for profit on the emissions market. Moreover, when government programs exist that subsidize capital investment in efficiency, a district energy system can apply for grants from other levels of government. For example, Guelph received a $145,750 grant from the Green Municipal Fund to do the initial research for the municipal district energy project. (And, I might point out the this grant was given under the Stephen Harper government with the then Natural Resources Minister Lisa Raitt doing the photo op.)

So to sum up, there is a case for developing municipal district energy systems. But the math is extremely complicated and based on a variety of important variables. This doesn't mean, however, that district energy system cannot be profitable, or that private businesses will not buy into them---just that they seem to something that businesses will only invest in after municipal utilities set them up and "prove the concept".

Logo used under the "Fair Use" provision,
Image c/o Wiki Commons.
Take the example of the downtown Toronto Enwave district power system. It started out as being the Ontario-government owned power plant for a cluster of downtown Toronto hospitals:  Toronto General Hospital, the Hospital for Sick Children, New Mount Sinai Hospital and Women's College Hospital. Later on, buildings in the University of Toronto and Ontario government were added. In 1998---under the Mike Harris government---it was "privatized" and ended up with shares going to the four founding hospitals, the city of Toronto, the Ontario government, and, the U. of Toronto. After various sales, the city ended up owning 47% of the shares and OMERS (the municipal employees pension fund) the other 57%. In 2012 it was announced that the entire company was sold to "Brookfied Asset Management Inc"---which means that it is now completely privately owned.

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This is the point where I think I need to stop and break the story into two parts. City Council decided that the district energy hubs were a financial failure and decided to put the project "on ice". Since describing this is a very different process than outlining the back ground, I'm going to make that the focus of another installment. 

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Furthermore, I say to you---climate change must be dealt with!